Showing posts with label Polen. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Polen. Show all posts

Sunday, September 1, 2019

80 years after second World War caused by the german Imperialism. Never forget the huge German Crimes in Poland

Today 80 years after second world war all most everebody in Germany still believes that Gdańsk and all the West Poland and Kaliningrad and Czechia belong to Germany. Yes that is the truth , the German imperialism still exists and is the official state policy  despite the History and the mass murdere People of Poland Soviet Union and  Czechoslovakia. 

Never again Auswitz never again Maidanek never again Generplanost never again Polenlage and Russenlage never again Nato bombing of Yugoslavia never again financial war in Greece never again war in Ukraine.

Death to Fascism and Germanism. Freedom for the People


Commissioned in 1979 in the People's Republic of Poland by the Polish Communications Ministry and the Council for the Protection of Monuments of Battle and Martyrdom, and unveiled on September 1 of the same year, the stainless steel Defenders of the Polish Post Monument was designed by the Kraków-based sculptor Wincenty Kućma. A wonderful example of Socialist Art and a fitting tribute to the heroes who put up such a brave struggle next door, the monument represents a dying Polish post employee who is being handed a rifle by Nike.

The Defence of the Polish Post Office in Gdańsk was the first heroic act of World War II.
On September 1, 1939, Polish personnel defended the building for some 15 hours against assaults by the SS Heimwehr Danzig (SS Danzig Home Defense), local SA formations and special units of Danzig police. All but four of the defenders, who were able to escape from the building during the surrender, were sentenced to death by a German court martial as illegal combatants on October 5, 1939 and executed.

In the Polish Post Office complex on 1 September 1939 there were 56 people: Guderski, 42 local Polish employees, ten employees from Gdynia and Bydgoszcz, and the building keeper with his wife and ten-year-old daughter who lived in the complex.
The German attack plan, devised in July 1939, determined that the main building and its defenders would be stormed from two directions.
At 04:00 the Germans cut the phone and electricity lines to the building. At 04:45, just as the German battleship Schleswig-Holstein started shelling the nearby Polish Army military outpost at Westerplatte, the Danzig police began their assault on the building under the command of Polizeioberst Willi Bethke. They were soon reinforced by local SA formations and the SS units SS Wachsturmbann "E" and SS Heimwehr Danzig, supported by three police ADGZ heavy armoured cars. Albert Forster, head of the local Nazi party, arrived in one of the vehicles to watch the event. Journalists from local newspapers, Reichssender Danzig (the state radio station), and the newsreel company Ufa-Tonwache also came to cover the battle.
At 11:00 German units were reinforced by the Wehrmacht with two 75 mm artillery pieces and a 105 mm howitzer, but the renewed assault, even with the artillery support, was again repulsed. Mortar support was requested from the German forces at Westerplatte, but its inaccurate fire posed a greater threat to the attackers and it soon ceased action.[4] At 15:00 the Germans declared a two-hour ceasefire and demanded that the Polish forces surrender, which they refused. In the meantime, a unit of sappers dug under the walls of the building and prepared a 600 kg explosive device. At 17:00 the bomb was set off, collapsing part of the wall, and German forces under the cover of three artillery pieces attacked again, this time capturing most of the building except the basement.
Frustrated by the Poles' refusal to surrender, Bethke requested a rail car full of gasoline. Danzig's fire department pumped it into the basement, and it was then ignited by a hand grenade. After three Poles were burned alive (bringing the total Polish casualties to six killed in action), the rest decided to capitulate. The first two people to leave the building, director Dr. Jan Michoń, carrying a white flag, and commandant Józef Wąsik, were shot by the Germans. The rest of the Poles were allowed to surrender and leave the burning building. Six people managed to escape from the building, although two of them were captured the following days.
Sixteen wounded prisoners were sent to the Gestapo hospital, where six subsequently died (including the 10-year-old Erwina). The other 28 were first imprisoned in the police building and, after a few days, sent to Victoriaschule, where they were interrogated and tortured. Some 300 to 400 Polish citizens of Danzig were also held there.
All the prisoners were put on trial in front of the martial court of the Wehrmacht's Gruppe Eberhardt. A first group of 28 Victoriaschule-prisoners, with a single Wehrmacht officer as defence lawyer, was tried on 8 September, a second group of 10, who recovered in the hospital, on 30 September. All were sentenced to death as illegal combatants under the German special military penal law of 1938.
The prisoners were mostly executed by firing squad led by SS-Sturmbannführer Max Pauly (later commandant of the Neuengamme concentration camp) on 5 October and buried in a mass grave at the cemetery of Danzig-Saspe (Zaspa)
 The sentence was demanded by the prosecutor Hans Giesecke and declared by presiding judge Kurt Bode, Vice-President of the Oberlandesgericht Danzig (Higher Regional Court of Danzig).
Giesecke and Bode were never held responsible for this episode or held accountable for the executions. They were denazified after the war and continued their careers as lawyers in Germany. Both died of natural causes in the 1970s.




Gdańsk was liberated from Germany by the Polish People's and  Soviet Army on 30 March 1945. The Polish People's Republic made this Monument on December 28, 1969 .
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Monument to the Polishness of Gdańsk - a monument commemorating those killed for the Polishness of Gdańsk in the period from the Gdansk slaughter in 1308 to the end of World War II , unveiled on December 28, 1969 from the Polish People's Republic on the square at Podwale Staromiejskie Street . The monument in the shape of concrete blocks decorated with reliefs symbolizing an ax embedded in the ground , was built according to the vision of Wawrzyniec Samp and Wiesław Pietronia.

In May 2008, on the initiative of the Polish Community of Gdańsk and the Society of Friends of Gdańsk , a memorial plaque was unveiled :
"The memory of Gdańsk Poles who died for the Polishness of Gdańsk in German prisons, concentration camps and other places of execution in 1939-1945."
Under the plaque there is a fragment from Song XII of Jan Kochanowski written in golden letters :

"And if anyone has an open road to Heaven - What serves the homeland."

The city of Danzig (Gdańsk) was captured by the State of the Teutonic Order on 13 November 1308 marking the beginning of tensions between Poland and the Teutonic Order. Originally the knights moved into the fortress as an ally of Poland against the Margraviate of Brandenburg. However, after disputes over the control of the city between the Order and the King of Poland arose, the knights murdered a number of citizens within the city and took it as their own. Thus the event is also known as Gdańsk massacre or Gdańsk slaughter (rzeź Gdańska). Though in the past, a matter of debate among historians, a consensus has been established that many people were murdered and a considerable part of the town was destroyed in the context of the take-over.



A Song of the Soldiers of Westerplatte (Polish poet Konstanty Ildefons Gałczyński )

When their days had been filled
and it was time to die in the summer,
They went straight to heaven in a coach-and-four,
the soldiers of Westerplatte.

(Summer was beautiful that year.)

They sang: "Ah, it´s nothing
that our wounds were so painful,
for now it is sweet to walk
the heavenly fields."

(On earth that year there was plenty of heather for bouquets.)

In Gdansk we stood like a wall
in defiance of the German offensive,
now we soar among the clouds,
we soldiers of Westerplatte.
Those with keen sense of sight
and sound are said to have heard
in the clouds the measured step
of the Maratime Batallion.

This was the song they heard: "We'll
take advantage of the sunshine
and bask in the warm days
in the heather fields of paradise.

But when the cold wind blows
and sorrow courses the earth,
We'll float down to the center of Warsaw,
The soldiers of Westerplatte." 
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The Battle of Westerplatte was the first battle in the Invasion of Poland and marked the start of the Second World War in Europe. Beginning on September 1, 1939, German naval forces and soldiers and Danzig police assaulted the Polish Military Transit Depot (Wojskowa Składnica Tranzytowa, or WST) on the peninsula of Westerplatte, in the harbour of the Free City of Danzig. The Poles held out for seven days in the face of a heavy attack that included dive bomber attacks.

The defense of Westerplatte served as an inspiration for the Polish Army and people in the face of successful German advances elsewhere, and today is still regarded as a symbol of resistance to the invasion.
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The construction of the work was initiated by the Council for the Protection of Memory of Combat and Martyrdom in the great time of the Polish People's Republic between 1964 and 1966. 
Decorated with reliefs and inscriptions commemorating the heroic defense of the Polish coast in 1939, with names of water-battles and places of naval battles of the Second World War , in which Polish sailors and soldiers participated, but also places of battles at Lenino and Studzianki , with the inscription "Glory to the liberators" and figures of a sailor and soldier with soviet weapons (pesce) placed on top. Seven candles at the feet refer to the 7 days of Westerplatte defense . According to these explanations, the monument is to symbolize a sword or bayonet with a hilt in the ground.




Museum of Martyrdom of the Zamość Region - Rotunda in Poland.

It was established  in 1947 , the Museum of Martyrdom of the Zamość Region - Rotunda here, in the time of Socialism after the Liberation of Zamosc from Nazi Germany by soldiers of the Soviet Union, polish People's Army and Partisans (Armia Ludowa and Home Army).

That was how Polish People's Republic honored the liberators and the victims of Nazi Germany.
All liberators and soldiers of the Soviet Union, polish People's Army and Partisans (Armia Ludowa and Home Army),  all victims Soviets, Poles, Polish Jews. All of them! 

During World War II, Germans created here a temporary camp for the arrested population, among others groups of intelligence, people connected with the resistance movement . Later, in 1942 , this object was also a place of numerous mass executions, which included until 1943 the population of the Zamość region , including children. As in many other places, the Germans here also covered the traces of their crimes; the ashes of the burned victims were thrown into the moat of the river around Rotunda. It is estimated that about 8,000 people were killed here.

After the end of hostilities and the liberation of the city from German occupation in 1944, a graveyard was created with graves of Rotunda's victims around its walls outside and graves of other victims on both sides of the road leading from the north to its courtyard (ordered in the mid-1950s) : soldiers of the Home Army , Soviet partisans and soldiers of the Red Army , as well as civilians, among others Jews . There are many nameless and symbolic tombs, you can also see collective graves, but commemorating the tragic events.

At the entrance to the courtyard there is a gate with German inscriptions "Gefangenen Durchgangslager Sicherheitspol" ("Jenciecowy Transitional Security Police Camp"), and just behind her on the left, in place of a destroyed cell, a plate commemorating the execution and executions of local prisoners.

Inside, individual targets were devoted to various victims of World War II, not only from the Zamość region, among others there are: Wołyniak's Cell [1] , Scouts' Cell, Cell of Prisoners of Majdanek , Cell of Prisoners of Auschwitz , Teacher's Cell, and many more.

There is a large commemorative plaque in the courtyard - the bodies of the murdered burned in this place. The last prisoners were murdered just before the escape, their bodies burned only partially and are buried around.

Thursday, August 22, 2019

Gdańsk, massacred by Germany and liberated from Germany by the Polish People's and Soviet Army on 30 March 1945



Following the annexation of Austria and the Sudetenland, Germany in October 1938 urged the Gdańsk territory's cession to Germany. On September 1, 1939, Nazi Germany invaded Poland, initiating World War II.

On September 2, 1939 Germany officially annexed the Free City. The Nazi regime murdered the Polish postmen defending the Polish Post Office: this was one of the first war crimes during the war. Other Polish soldiers defending the Westerplatte stronghold surrendered after seven days of fighting. The German commander returned the sword to the Polish commander for putting up a brave fight, while the same time one the captured defenders, Kazimierz Rasinski was brutally tortured by Germans and murdered when he refused to reveal Polish communication codes. On Sep 7th NSDAP organised night parade on Adolf-Hitlerstrasse to celebrate success. It was bombed by a single Polish hydroplane operating from Hela peninsula piloted by Jozef Rudzki and Zdzisław Juszczakiewicz. Six bombs each weighing 12.5 kg (28 lb) were dropped from very low height. In October 1939, Gdańsk, together with the prewar Pomeranian Voivodship to the south and west, became the German Reichsgau (administrative district) of Danzig-West Prussia (Danzig–Westpreussen). With the start of the war the Nazi regime began its policy of extermination in Pomerania; Poles, Kashubians and Jews and the political opposition were sent to concentration camps, especially neighbouring Stutthof where 85,000 victims perished. Kashubian and Polish intelligentsia were killed in the Piaśnica mass murder site, which is estimated to have had 60,000 victims.

In the city itself hundreds of prisoners were subjected to cruel Nazi executions and experiments, which included castration of men and sterilization of women considered dangerous to the "purity of Nordic race" and beheading by guillotine The courts and judicial system in the annexed territories of Nazi Germany was one of the main ways to legislate an extermination policy against ethnic Poles, terminology in the courts was full of statements such as "Polish subhumans" and "Polish rabble". Some judges even declared that Poles were to have tougher sentences than Germans because of their alleged racial inferiority.

With the German defeat thanks to the Soviet and Polish People's Army the planned genocide of the Polish population, who were deemed by the German authorities to be "subhuman," was averted and Poles returned to Gdańsk. Between 1952 and the late 1960s Polish artisans thanks to the efforts of Polish People's Republice restored much of the old city's architecture, up to 90% destroyed in the war. The german nazi symbols ware cleared. Beautifull polish socialist Art scenes of the life of polish common People before the prussian conquest of Gdańsk in 1793 ware drawing between 1952 and 1960.


Tuesday, August 20, 2019

Frederick the -Great- Imperialist and Racist, the absolut antipolish, antisemit and antislav Tyrann. The man who destroyed the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth





Frederick had despised the Poles since his youth, and numerous statements are known in which he expressed anti-Polish prejudice,[63] calling Polish society "stupid" and stating that "all these people with surnames ending with -ski, deserve only contempt".[64] He passionately hated everything associated with Poland, while justifying his hatred and territorial expansion with ideas of the Enlightenment.[65] He described Poles as "slovenly Polish trash";[66][c] referring to them in a letter from 1735 as "dirty" and "vile apes",[67] and compared the Polish peasants to American Indians.[68]

King Frederick II, by Anna Dorothea Therbusch, 1772
Frederick undertook the conquest of Polish territory under the pretext of an enlightened civilizing mission, given his disparagement of Poland and its ruling elite, all of which provided a convenient entree for the "sanguine meliorism" of the Enlightenment and heightened assurance in the "distinctive merits of the 'Prussian way'".[69][70] He prepared the ground for the partition of Poland-Lithuania in 1752 at latest, hoping to gain a territorial bridge between Pomerania, Brandenburg, and his East Prussian provinces.[71] Frederick was himself partly responsible for the weakness of the Polish government, having inflated its currency by his use of Polish coin dies obtained during the conquest of Saxony in 1756: the profits exceeded 25 million thalers, twice the peacetime national budget of Prussia.[72][73] He opposed attempts of political reform in Poland, and his troops bombarded customs ports on the Vistula, thwarting Polish efforts to create a modern fiscal system.[74] As early as 1731 Frederick had suggested that his country would benefit from annexing Polish Prussia in order to join the separated territories his own kingdom.[75]
According to Scott, Frederick was eager to exploit Poland economically as part of his wider aim of enriching Prussia. Scott views this as a continuation of his previous violations of Polish territory in 1759 and 1761 and raids within Greater Poland until 1765.
Lewitter says: "The conflict over the rights of religious dissenters [in Poland] had led to civil war and foreign intervention." Out of 11–12 million people in Poland, 200,000 were Protestants and 600,000 Eastern Orthodox. The Protestant dissidents were still free to practice their religion, although their schools were shut down.[76] All dissidents could own property, but Poland increasingly reduced their civic rights after a period of considerable religious and political freedoms.[77] They were allowed to serve in the army and vote in elections, but were barred from public offices and the Polish Parliament (Sejm), and during the 1760s their importance became out of proportion compared to their numbers.[78]Frederick exploited this conflict as means to keep Poland weak and divided.[79]
Empress Catherine II of Russia was staunchly opposed to Prussia, and in response Frederick opposed Russia, whose troops had been allowed to freely cross the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth during the Seven Years' War of 1756–63. Despite their personal hostility, Frederick and Catherine signed a defensive alliance in 1764 that guaranteed Prussian control of Silesia in return for Prussian support for Russia against Austria or the Ottoman Empire. Catherine's candidate for the Polish throne, Stanisław August Poniatowski, was then elected King of Poland in September of that year, and she gained control of Polish politics.
Frederick became concerned, however, after Russia gained significant influence over Poland in the Repnin Sejm of 1767, a position which also threatened Austria and the Ottoman Turks. In the ensuing Russo-Turkish War (1768–74), Frederick supported Catherine with a subsidy of 300,000 rubles, albeit with reluctance as he did not want Russia to become even stronger through acquisitions of Ottoman territory. The Prussian king achieved a rapprochement with the Austrian Emperor Joseph and chancellor Kaunitz.

After Russia occupied the Danubian Principalities in 1769–70, Frederick's representative in Saint Petersburg, his brother Prince Henry, convinced Frederick and Maria Theresa that the balance of power would be maintained by a tripartite division of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth instead of Russia taking land from the Ottomans. They agreed to the First Partition of Poland in 1772, which took place without war. Frederick claimed most of the Polish province of Royal Prussia. Prussia annexed 20,000 square miles (52,000 km2) and 600,000 inhabitants, the least of the partitioning powers.[80] However, Prussia's Polish territory was also the best-developed economically. The newly created province of West Prussia connected East Prussia and Farther Pomerania and granted Prussia control of the mouth of the Vistula River. Frederick also invited German immigrants to the province,[81] hoping they would displace the Poles.[82] Maria Theresa had only reluctantly agreed to the partition, to which Frederick sarcastically commented, "she cries, but she takes".[68]
Frederick himself tried further propaganda to justify the Partition, portraying the acquired provinces as underdeveloped and improved by Prussian rule. According to Karin Friedrichthese claims were accepted for a long time in German historiography and sometimes still reflected in modern works.[83] Frederick did not justify his conquests on an ethnic basis, however, unlike later nationalist, 19th-century German historians. Dismissive of contemporary German culture, Frederick instead pursued an imperialist policy, acting on the security interests of his state.[84] Frederick II settled 300,000 colonists in territories he had conquered, and enforced Germanization.[85]
After the first partition Frederick engaged in plunder of Polish property, confiscating Polish estates and monasteries to support German colonization, and in 1786 he ordered forced buy-outs of Polish holdings.[86] The new strict tax system and bureaucracy was particularly disliked among the Polish population, as was the compulsory military service in the army, which didn't exist previously in Poland.[87] Frederick abolished the gentry's freedom from taxation and restricted its power.[88] Royal estates formerly belonging to the Polish Crown were redistributed to German landowners, reinforcing Germanization.[89] Both Protestant and Roman Catholic teachers (mostly Jesuits) taught in West Prussia, and teachers and administrators were encouraged to be able to speak both German and Polish.[81] Economic exploitation of Poland, especially by Prussia and Austria, followed the territorial seizures.


Frederick looked upon many of his new Polish citizens with scorn, but carefully concealed that scorn when actually dealing with them. Frederick's long-term goal was to remove all Polish people from his territories, both peasants and nobility. He sought to expel the nobles through an oppressive tax system and the peasantry by eradicating the Polish national character of the rural population by mixing them with Germans invited in their thousands by promises of free land. By such means, Frederick boasted he would "gradually...get rid of all Poles".[90][91]


Frederick wrote that Poland had "the worst government in Europe with the exception of Turkey".[68] After a prolonged visit to West Prussia in 1773, Frederick informed Voltaire of his findings and accomplishments: "I have abolished serfdom, reformed the savage laws, opened a canal which joins up all the main rivers; I have rebuilt those villages razed to the ground after the plague in 1709. I have drained the marshes and established a police force where none existed. ... [I]t is not reasonable that the country which produced Copernicus should be allowed to moulder in the barbarism that results from tyranny. Those hitherto in power have destroyed the schools, thinking that the uneducated people are easily oppressed. These provinces cannot be compared with any European country—the only parallel would be Canada."[92] However, in a letter to his favorite brother, Prince Henry, Frederick admitted that the Polish provinces were economically profitable:
It is a very good and advantageous acquisition, both from a financial and a political point of view. In order to excite less jealousy I tell everyone that on my travels I have seen just sand, pine trees, heath land and Jews. Despite that there is a lot of work to be done; there is no order, and no planning and the towns are in a lamentable condition.[93]
Frederick also sent in Jesuits to open schools, and befriended Ignacy Krasicki, whom he asked to consecrate St. Hedwig's Cathedral in 1773. He also advised his successors to learn Polish, a policy followed by the Hohenzollern dynasty until Frederick III decided not to let the future William II learn the language.[81]


Tuesday, July 2, 2019

Szczecin under new gernan military occupation since 1998. Capitalism dream of Poland


............Today´s Situation in Szczeczin.........


Demolition of the Gratitude Monument for the Soviet Army in Szczecin - 18/11/2017



Situation After the Great Antifascist Victory of the Peoples 

Szczeczin was liberated on April 26, 1945 by Soviet Army and Polish People´s Army and given back to Poland after 807 years of germanic occupation (Saxony, holy roman Empire, Denmark, Sweden,  Kingdom of Prussia, France, German Empire, Germany)











Geschichte

Im Juli 1997 beschlossen die Verteidigungsminister Dänemarks, Deutschlands und Polens ein neues dänisch-deutsch-polnisches Korps mit dem Namen Multinationales Korps Nordost aufzustellen. Der Stab des Korps sollte seinen Sitz in Polen, Stettin, haben. Das Hauptquartier der „Alliierten Landstreitkräfte Schleswig-Holstein und Jütland (LANDJUT)“ aus Rendsburg in Deutschland sollte den Kern dieser neuen Kommandobehörde bilden. 

Die Verteidigungsminister Dänemarks, Deutschlands und Polens unterzeichneten die Konvention zur Errichtung eines gemeinsamen Korps schon im Jahre 1998, als Polen noch nicht NATO-Mitglied war, der Termin für den Beitritt des Landes (12. März 1999) jedoch bereits feststand. Schon am 18. September 1999 konnten die drei Gründerstaaten ihre Fahnen in der Ostseekaserne (Baltic Barracks) hissen, dem Sitz des Korpsstabes in Stettin. Das Korps hat sich in den letzten Jahren grundlegend verändert und vergrößert. 2005 erlangte es bei der Übung Compact Eagle den Status der vollen Einsatzbereitschaft. In den Jahren 2007, 2010 und 2014 nahmen große Teile des Personals am Einsatz der International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan teil. Ebenso erweiterte sich der multinationale Charakter des Korps durch den Beitritt weiterer Länder:
  • 2004 Estland, Lettland und Litauen
  • 2005 Slowakei und die Tschechische Republik
  • 2006 USA
  • 2008 Rumänien
  • 2009 Slowenien
  • 2012 Kroatien
  • 2013 Ungarn
  • 2014 Schweden
  • 2015 Großbritannien, Frankreich, Griechenland, Niederlande und die Türkei
  • 2016 Kanada, Island und Belgien
So zählen neben den drei Führungsnationen mittlerweile 22 weitere Nationen zur Korpsfamilie.

Wappen


Der blaue Hintergrund des Wappens des Multinational Corps Northeast erinnert an die enge Bindung an die NATO. Die drei Wellen symbolisieren die Ostsee, welche die drei Gründungsstaaten verbindet. Die Streitkräfte der Gründerstaaten – Dänemark, Deutschland und Polen – sind als drei gekreuzte Schwerter dargestellt. Die Schwerter sollen das Symbol für die gemeinsame Verantwortung für die Verteidigung dieser drei Länder sein. Der Greif, der das Wappen Stettins ist, hebt die enge Zusammenarbeit des Multinational Corps Northeast mit der Region und der Stadt Stettin hervor, wo das Korps seinen Sitz hat.


Lech Wałęsa wanted Annexion of Poland from Germany. Not only USA paid Paidophilosolidarność but also Germany

Poland and Germany should unite, says Lech Walesa

Lech Walesa has called for Poland to unite with Germany to form one European state, despite the bloody history between the two countries.

Lech Walesa
Nobel Peace Prize winner and former Polish president Lech Walesa Photo: AFP/GETTY IMAGES
The Nobel Peace Prize winner and former Polish president, whose Solidarity trade union played a key role in bringing an end to the Cold War, said the world had changed and needed new ways of organising itself.
“We need to expand economic and defence co-operation and other structures to create one state from Poland and Germany in Europe,” he said.
Speaking to Russia’s Itar-Tass news agency, Mr Walesa, 69, said national boundaries were not as relevant as they once were.
“We have travelled so far in our technical advancements that we are no longer located in our own countries,” he said, adding that this required changes to geographical structures, the economy and democracy.
Although few Poles have forgotten Germany’s invasion and brutal occupation of Poland in 1939, history should not be an obstacle to unity, Mr Walesa said. “After the war, Germany fully confessed to all its dirty tricks,” he said. “It’s necessary to is draw a line under the past, even if people did something evil. Until we do, wounds won’t heal.”
Mr Walesa’s calls for Polish-German unity exceed his previous support for closer European solidarity. At the forefront of his country’s campaign to wrest itself from the Soviet communist bloc, the former dockyard electrician later supported Poland’s membership of the EU in 2004. He has since advocated ever-closer ties between European states, even saying that he would one day, perhaps, be “president of a United States of Europe”.
“At the moment different ways of doing things and different systems hold us back but gradually everything will align and states will become like Lego blocks,” he said in the Itar-Tass interview.
He suggested that current international systems were now defunct, saying the United Nations and Nato were the “ideas of an old era” and “badly organised”.
The comments on German-Polish unification will further enhance the former Polish president’s reputation for making frank and sometimes unorthodox remarks. Long retired from active politics but still sporting his trademark moustache, Mr Walesa makes regular appearances on the news and never shies away from giving his opinion.
But not all take his words seriously. “This is one of Lech Walesa’s exotic ideas,” said Jozef Oleksy, a former Polish prime minister. “He has the role of someone who stimulates ideas, sometimes annoying ideas, but I don’t attach much importance to this one.
“You need a strategy of close co-operation between two countries because this is necessary and beneficial, but two states becoming one country is something else.”
While Mr Walesa said Poland could bury the hatchet with Germany, the situation was different with Russia, the other great historical foe of the Poles. He urged Moscow to follow the German example and atone for its sins committed against Poland in order to lay the foundations of a good relationship.
“We are too slow in solving our problems and reaching an understanding,” he said. “We must aim to make our relations as smooth as possible, since we are fated to be neighbours.”

Friday, June 28, 2019

Deutscher Imperialismus 1864 - 2006




30. Mär. 1990 Der westdeutsche Kanzler Kohl (CDU) fordert auf einem westdeutsch-britischen Gipfeltreffen in Cambridge, Polen solle sich für das „nach 1945 an Deutschen begangene Unrecht“ entschuldigen.
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2. Mär. 1990 Der westdeutsche Kanzler Kohl (CDU) macht eine gleichlautende Erklärung von westdeutschem Bundestag und DDR-Volkskammer zur Gültigkeit der polnischen Westgrenze von einem polnischen Reparationsverzicht und der Frage der deutschen Minderheit in Polen abhängig. 
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17. Jun. 1991 Ein „Nachbarschafts- und Zusammenarbeitsvertrag“ Deutschlands mit Polen wird abgeschlossen. Im Laufe der nächsten 13 Jahre wird Deutschland 70% der Verpflichtungen nicht erfüllen, die aus diesem Abkommen resultieren.
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14. Nov. 1990 Ein „Vertrag über die Bestätigung der bestehenden Grenze“ zwischen Deutschland und Polen wird in der Hauptstadt Warszawa abgeschlossen. „Die Volksrepublik Polen besitzt über die Gebiete östlich von Oder und Neiße keine territoriale Souveränität, sondern lediglich Gebietshoheit.“ ― Hartmut Koschyk (CDU), BDV-Generalsekretär, 17. Okt. 1991 „[Deutschland hat es im Jahr 1990] in einem diplomatischen Bravourstück verstanden, […] sich […] der von den Siegermächten des Zweiten Weltkriegs intendierten abschließenden Regelung des Verhältnisses zwischen dem wiedervereinten Deutschland und Polen zu entziehen.“ ― Christoph Koch, Präsident der „Deutsch-polnischen Gesellschaft“, 11. Apr. 2005 (www.german-foreign-policy.com)  
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16. Feb. 1990 Die Forderung der polnischen Regierung, an allen „Zwei-plus-Vier-Gesprächen“ die Polen betreffen, teilzunehmen, wird von der westdeutschen Regierung zurückgewiesen.
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20. Mär. 2005 Das deutsche „Zentrum für angewandte Politikforschung“ (CAP) veröffentlicht den so genannten „Plan B“ für den Fall eines Scheiterns der Ratifikation des „Europäischen Verfassungsvertrags“. „Folgendes Bild von Kerneuropa, den Vereinigten Staaten von Europa, und der diese umgebenden Europäischen Union [könnte sich] herausschälen: Zu Kerneuropa müssten auf jeden Fall die deutschfranzösische Allianz und die anderen Gründungsstaaten der EU (Italien, Benelux) gehören; dazu kämen – aus historisch-kulturellen Gründen […] – die mitteleuropäischen Länder (Österreich, Polen, Tschechische Republik, Slowakei, Ungarn, Slowenien und Kroatien), denen irgendwann einmal – schon aus geographischen Gründen – die Schweiz folgen wird. […] Um dieses Kerneuropa herum würden sich – einer Schale gleich – im Rahmen der auf dem Stand einer großen Friedens- und Freihandelszone verharrenden EU weitere subregionale Blöcke gruppieren: Großbritannien und Irland; Skandinavien und Baltikum; Balkan und Levante (unter Einschluss Griechenlands, der Türkei und Israels).“ ― Winfried Veit (SPD), Direktor der FES der SPD in Frankreich, Feb. 2005 (IPG 2/2005) 

Zur Erinnerung: „Großdeutschland besteht […] aus einem großdeutschen Bunde und einem großdeutschen Zollverein. Der großdeutsche Bund wird gebildet aus dem jetzigen kleindeutschen Kaiserreich einschließlich Luxemburg, den Niederlanden (Holland und Belgien), der deutschen schweizer Eidgenossenschaft, dem österreichischen Kaiserreich. Der großdeutsche Zollverein wird gebildet aus dem großdeutschen Bunde, den baltischen Fürstentümern, dem Königreich Polen, dem Königreich Ruthenien, dem Königreich Rumänien, dem Königreich Großserbien.“ ― Ernst Hasse, ADV-Chef, über das fiktive Deutschland des Jahres 1950, 1895 (Opitz, Europastrategien des deutschen Kapitals, S. 116) 
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13. Dez. 2003 Auf dem „Europäischen Rat“ in der belgischen Hauptstadt Brussel versucht Deutschland mit dem Komplizen Frankreich seine politische und militärische Vormachtstellung durch eine maßgeschneiderte EU-Verfassung zu zementieren. Hauptsächlich Polen und Spanien leisten Widerstand. Die Idee zur EU-Verfassung entstand im deutschen Auswärtigen Amt.
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22. Jun. 2002 Der bayerische Ministerpräsident Stoiber (CSU) fordert von Polen die Aufhebung der Schutzgesetze des Präsidenten Bolesław Bierut („Polnische Arbeiterpartei“ – PPR) von 1947. Zur Erinnerung: „Die deutsche Frage bleibt offen, solange wir es wollen.“ ― Hans Jahn, Präsident der „Pommer’schen Abgeordnetenversammlung“, 31. Dez. 1984 
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18. Sep. 1999 Das „Multinationale Korps Nordost“ aus dänischen, deutschen und polnischen Truppen wird im polnischen Szczecin stationiert. Kanzler in SzczecinDas Korps hier in Stettin bedeutet keine Expansion der Deutschen und Dänen gegen den Osten, sondern eine Wiedervereinigung Europas.“ ― Volker Rühe (CDU), deutscher Verteidigungsminister, 24. Aug. 1998 (Sommerrock, Polen ist noch nicht verloren - wieder, www.arbeiterbund-fuer-den-wiederaufbau-der-kpd.de) „Der einzige französische Beitrag zur Eindämmung des deutschen Expansionismus bestand darin, die Unantastbarkeit der Oder-Neiße-Grenze zu sichern. Aber ich gehe nicht davon aus, dass es dabei bleibt. Sehen Sie sich die deutsch-polnische Grenze an, sie verläuft wenige Kilometer östlich von Berlin. Sie glauben doch nicht, dass es noch lange so bleibt? […] In den Randgebieten zu Deutschland wird die wirtschaftliche Macht der Deutschen den Spielraum des polnischen Souveräns erheblich einschränken. Ähnlich wie im US-Grenzland zu Kanada, vielleicht sogar etwas stärker.“ ― Pierre Marion, ehemaliger Chef des französischen „Generaldirektorats für äußere Sicherheit“ (DGSE), 28. Okt. 1999 (Wirtschaftswoche, 28.10.1999) 
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5. Sep. 1998 Das Dokument über das „Multinationale Korps Nordost“ Deutschlands mit Polen und Dänemark wird abgeschlossen.

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15. Dez. 1995 Gründung der „Europaregion Pommern“ auf Initiative der deutschen InterReg im polnischen Szczecin. Das Gebilde umfasst Teile Mecklenburg-Vorpommerns, Brandenburgs, Polens und Schwedens. „Es wäre ein historischer Misserfolg, wenn wir uns mit der Deutschen Wiedervereinigung zufrieden geben würden.“ ― Helmut Kohl (CDU), deutscher Kanzler, 16. Jun. 1992 (Süddeutsche Zeitung, 16.06.1992)

 Zur Erinnerung: „Wie soll Pommern die Freiheit wiedererlangen, wenn nicht Europa bis zum Schwarzen Meer geht?“ ― Philipp von Bismarck-Schönhausen (CDU), Sprecher der „Pommer’schen Landsmannschaft“, 21. Apr. 1984 (Pommersche Zeitung, 21.04.1984)   
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21. Dez. 1993 Gründung der „Europaregion Pro Europa Viadria“ auf Initiative der deutschen InterReg. Das Gebilde umfasst Teile Brandenburgs und Polens. „Deutsch sein heißt […] nie sich auf diesen Raum zwischen Aachen und Frankfurt an der Oder zu begrenzen.“ ― Arnulf Baring, deutscher Historiker, 9. Jun. 2004 (Phoenix, 09.06.2004)

 Zur Erinnerung: „Wir wollen Eure schlesische Heimat mit den Mitteln der Politik zurückgewinnen.“ ― Jacob Kaiser (CDU), westdeutscher Minister für gesamtdeutsche Fragen, Sep. 1951 (Hamburger Echo, 17.09.1951) 
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21. Sep. 1993 Gründung der „Europaregion Spree-Neiße-Bober“ auf Initiative der deutschen InterReg. Das Gebilde umfasst Teile Brandenburgs, Sachsens, Polens und Tschechiens. „Die Sache darf von polnischer Seite nicht so aufgefasst werden, als wollten die Deutschen durch die Hintertür in ihre früheren Gebiete zurückkehren. Vielmehr geht es um eine Integration im Sinne der europäischen Idee.“ ― Elmar Pieroth (CDU), Berliner Finanzsenator, 12. Mär. 1992 

Zur Erinnerung: „Gibt es überhaupt noch Schlesier? Auf diese freche Frage wollen wir hunderttausendfach antworten. Solange es Deutschland gibt, wird es auch Schlesier geben.“ ― Herbert Hupka (CDU), deutscher Abgeordneter, 17. Jun. 1983 (Giordano, Die zweite Schuld, S. 296)  
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Sep. 1990 Die westdeutsche Zeitschrift „Deutscher Ostdienst“ veröffentlicht die Polen-Pläne des BDV: Bildung eines exterritorialen Freihafens „Stettin“ mit Umland unter deutsch-polnischer Verwaltung. Im Weiteren sollen die Städte Kostrzyn, Słubice und Zgorzelec eine gemeinsame Kommunalverwaltung erhalten. Am Ende soll der Aufbau einer autonomen Landesverwaltung mit eigenen Hoheitsbefugnissen stehen. „Wir aber wollen uns innerlich rüsten, […] um an der […] Ordnung im Osten mitzuwirken, wenn die Stunde ruft.“ ― Franz Thedieck, Staatssekretär im westdeutschen Ministerium für gesamtdeutsche Fragen auf einem Treffen der „Landsmannschaften der Westpreußen“, 21. Sep. 1952 (Badische Zeitung, 24.09.1952) „Wir wollen – und das sage ich mit Bedacht, dies ist Inhalt unserer Politik – Grenzen einen neuen und zukunftsweisenden Charakter verleihen: nicht den der Entzweiung, sondern den der offenen Wege und der Chance zur Begegnung in Freiheit.“ ― Helmut Kohl (CDU), westdeutscher Kanzler, 5. Aug. 1990 (Ludwig, Polen und die deutsche Frage, S. 256) „In dem Maße, in dem Großmacht vom Begriff des Militärischen und Territorialen zu dem des Wirtschaftlichen und Technologischen überwechselt, erscheint Deutschland für die Länder Osteuropas als ein Hoffnungsträger, ein Förderer, ein Bringer. Dies ist aber die alte Reichs-Figur.“ ― „Die Welt“,

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Jun. 1990 Vermehrte Reisen westdeutscher „Vertriebenen“- Funktionäre nach Polen (v.a. im Regierungsbezirk Slaskie) heizen dort die Stimmung an. Die Funktionäre werben für eine Volksabstimmung, bei der nicht nur die jetzige Bevölkerung, sondern auch die deutschen „Vertriebenen“ und ihre Nachkommen darüber entscheiden sollen, ob das Gebiet bei Polen bleiben oder unter „europäische Verwaltung“ gestellt werden solle. „Der Nationalstaat ist am Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts ökonomisch, ökologisch, militärisch und kulturell überholt. Kulturell müssen wir hinunter zu den Stämmen, zu den kleinen sprachlichen, ethnischen, landsmannschaftlichen Einheiten, zu einem Föderalismus, in dem die Basken sich so frei fühlen wie die Flamen, die Wallonen, die Slowaken und die Bayern oder die Sachsen.“ ― Peter Glotz (SPD), westdeutscher Abgeordneter, Jan. 1990 (Die N
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7. Dez. 1970 Der „Warschauer Vertrag“ der BRD mit Polen wird abgeschlossen. Unterzeichnung in Warszawa „Unsere Gebietsforderungen gehen bis weit hinter die Oder-Neiße-Linie. Wir wollen die alten deutschen Herrschaftsgebiete wiederhaben. Das Jahr 2000 darf nicht zum 83. Jahr der Oktoberrevolution in der Welt werden.“ ― Kai von Hassel (CDU), schleswig-holsteinischer Ministerpräsident, 30. Jun. 1961 (Deutsche Volkszeitung, 30.06.1961)